Aakhir Tak – In Shorts
- AAP’s defeat in Delhi had multiple contributing factors.
- Relentless clashes with the central government were a key issue.
- Fear-mongering press conferences proved detrimental.
- Lack of internal organizational structure contributed to the loss.
- The appeal of the “Kejriwal model” had diminished.
Aakhir Tak – In Depth
The shine of “the Kejriwal model” faded in Delhi. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) had set a well-known trap for the BJP in the Delhi 2025 battle — “Arvind Vs Who”. But the BJP chose to turn the tables. By not only ignoring the question that had troubled the saffron party in the 2015 and 2020 polls, but also by converting the battle for Delhi into a seat-to-seat contest, the BJP was able to focus on local issues.
Once the BJP got rid of the “Kejriwal factor”, the stage for local battles in each assembly was set. The resurgence of Delhi’s old netas such as Tarvinder Singh Marwah and Neeraj Basoya — considered done and dusted — is an apt example. But the symptoms of the larger problems for the AAP had become prominently visible ever since the last leg of the Delhi campaign. Irrespective of the results, they were bound to have short- and long-term ill effects on the party.
On February 5, when Delhi stepped out to vote, the polling stations also witnessed enthusiasm amongst the upper middle class and the upper-class voters. Or to put it differently, it was their frustration with AAP’s political model that drove them to the polling booths. Delhi Chief Minister Atishi cast her vote at a government school in Kalkaji’s B Block. At the very booth, those from the upper economic strata spoke of the reasons which brought them to the polling stations — broken roads, blocked drainage, and lack of sanitation. Similar voices could be heard at the polling station where Arvind Kejriwal and his family cast their votes. These issues, typically associated with local governance, highlighted a disconnect with a crucial voter base.
In any other state, these would be issues of civic body polls. But in Delhi, this section of voters decided to punish Kejriwal and his party in the assembly polls for the city’s ailing civic infrastructure. AAP clinched the MCD from the BJP in December 2022. Due to its thin margin, the fate of the AAP-led MCD was similar to that of the AAP-led Delhi government. Governance hurdles stemming from war with bureaucracy and no control on the financing and decision-making bodies of the MCD — the Standing Committee, the zonal committees. The AAP’s failure to manage the affairs in the civic body added wood to the fire.
While the AAP boasts of the changes it brought to Delhi’s health and education infrastructure, the health of the city’s civic infrastructure was heading towards a coma. The 2023 Delhi floods or water logging during the 2024 monsoon had left scars on the memory of Delhi’s voters. Moreover, the angst against AAP’s “freebies” model amongst Delhi’s upper-class voters is not a hidden fact. Even in the 2025 campaign, the AAP chief constantly spoke about how each working-class family of Delhi is saving Rs 22,000-25,000 because of his government. His speeches were focused on consolidating the working-class voters in Delhi. The upper classes’ concerns were completely obliterated in the AAP’s 2025 campaign. This alienation of a significant portion of the electorate proved costly.
Possibly, the BJP managed to harness this anger and provoked them to step out and cast their vote.
When things still seemed to be going the AAP’s way, the party decided to stir a storm in the last leg of the Delhi campaign. AAP Chief Kejriwal accused the BJP-led Haryana government of poisoning Yamuna water, which he claimed could trigger “genocide” in Delhi. The swords were out soon. The BJP and AAP delegations knocked the Election Commission’s gate, while their leaders sparred from the TV studios to the ghats of Yamuna. The Yamuna River controversy served as a distraction from more pressing issues and reinforced negative perceptions.
For the common voters, it was a reminder of the fact how the AAP stays at loggerheads with the Central government, the Raj Niwas and the BJP-led neighbouring states on almost every other issue of governance. Notably, till Kejriwal’s seemingly outlandish claims, the Delhi voters had blurred memory of this bickering. In the last leg of the Delhi campaign, AAP managed to bring back the attention of voters to this never-ending combative mode of their government.
In the last week of the campaign, Kejriwal addressed a couple of digital press conferences. These were the video messages to Delhi voters and specifically those in his constituency, New Delhi. “Don’t let anyone ink your finger a night before the polling”, ”you will go to jail” if you sell your vote — were key phrases in these video messages. These fear-mongering tactics likely alienated voters and reinforced negative perceptions of AAP’s campaign strategy.
Even after 13 years of its inception, the AAP lacks a proper structure. Besides the Political Affairs Committee (PAC), one can hardly point out at functional wings of the AAP, let alone a robust system for screening of candidates or a committee for clearance of such tickets. The party’s functioning is largely based on surveys and the decision-making is centred around Arvind Kejriwal or those whose powers stems from the AAP Chief’s office.
The impact of lack of structure within the party leaves its imprints on different aspects – from failure to maintain a consistent ideological line to handling of communication and media. It led to adhocism even in its Delhi campaign. This internal weakness made it difficult for the AAP to effectively respond to challenges during the election.
Aakhir Tak – Key Takeaways to Remember
Kejriwal model faded. Clashes with Centre. Fear-mongering. Lack of structure. AAP’s Delhi loss had many factors.
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